Posted: Thu Dec 23, 2004 12:57 pm Post subject: Timeline For Afro-Brazilians in Brazil
Wow. Experts are watching the chinny chin chin of Afro-Brazilians. Here is the site with the information. It is entitled Minority At Risk and it come from an American university.
In the first rule of spying you have to access the risk
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Assessment for Afro-Brazilians in Brazil
View Group Chronology
Brazil Facts
Area: 8,511,965 sq. km.
Capital: Brasilia
Total Population: 169,806,000 (source: unknown, est.)
Risk Assessment | Analytic Summary | References
Risk Assessment
The social discrimination in Brazil is subtle – formal policies prohibit discrimination on a racial, ethnic, or gender basis, yet discrimination against blacks persists. Many of African descent claim that they are white or mulatto; dark-skinned persons may be able to "whiten" themselves by attaining a high economic status. However, the large majority of blacks are poor, illiterate, and uneducated in comparison to whites. Such social, economic, and political inequalities are unlikely to end in the near future.
Black mobilization and organization has been increasing since the 1985 democratic transition. It seems likely that non-violent black movements will gain strength and that political parties will continue to incorporate racial equality into their agendas. Therefore, it seems likely that the Afro-Brazilian movement will eventually grow to a national level scale. Race-inspired political violence does not seem likely, though criminal violence in the favelas is likely to persist.
Brazil does seem to be making progress in race relations. Despite the disproportionate response of military police to anti-conquest protests, President Cardoso appears eager to bring the issue into the open and to allow a national debate to occur. His administration has implemented policies to lessen racial tensions and discrimination in the country.
Informal social practice continues to be the key barrier to full racial equality; the weak sense of racial identity of many Afro-Brazilians has also prevented organized resistance to racism, except on individual issues. These factors may change with recent increases in the apparent openness of Brazilian society to consider issues of race and discrimination.
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Analytic Summary
Afro-Brazilians populate all regions of Brazil and are among the poorest segments of society. However, a large majority lives in the less-developed and more rural Northeast (GROUPCON = 3). Those of European descent live in the developed Southeast.
Afro-Brazilians practice customs and culture unique to their heritage; African art and theater is very popular. African spiritualist religion (Candomble) is practiced by about 2 percent of the country’s population (the majority of the population is Roman Catholic) (BELIEF = 2).
The Brazilian slave trade began in 1538; the Portuguese brought thousands of slaves for sugar cane (TRADITN = 2). African slaves were also employed as laborers to build cities, ports, and churches. During the 1700s, the slave trade increased after a mining boom. In 1831, slave trade was outlawed, but increased coffee production in the mid-1800s meant that Africans from the northeast were traded to the south plantations. By 1888, slavery had been abolished.
Under the leadership of Getulio Vargas in 1930, a program of "racial democracy" celebrated the mixed origins of Brazilian people, but the parallel movement "branqueamento" (whitening) meant that blacks who attained higher economic status were considered "whiter" than those who were poor.
During the 1960s through 1980, much of the black population migrated to cities for employment, though most live in slums called "favelas" (MIGSTR99 = 2). The percentage of Afro-Brazilians employed in cities increased from 36 to 62 percent between 1950 and 1980, though nearly 90 percent work as unskilled laborers. Most Afro-Brazilian women are employed as domestic servants. Blacks are reported to earn less than half the wages of white Brazilians (ECDIS00 = 3).
The concept of color is very important in Brazil – the census offers classifications according to skin color – white, yellow, black, or brown. A distinction is made in society between "negro" and "mulatto" (or moreno). Intermarriage is very common, and many Brazilians have mixed racial heritage (RACE = 2). Activists claim that many blacks claim they are mulato rather than black in order to move toward "whiteness" on the societal color spectrum. Thus, it is difficult to determine the exact number of Afro-Brazilians through census data (ETHDIFXX = 7).
However, there remains social discrimination against darker skin colors or African features; social prejudice favors lighter skin and blond hair over darker features. Persons of African descent at the lowest level, along with indigenous peoples. It has been reported that blacks are sometimes forced to ride on service elevators or are targeted for abuse. Educational attainment of Afro-Brazilians still lags behind that of white citizens; only 22 percent of Afro-Brazilians complete middle school. While discrimination is illegal in the constitution, social discrimination continues. Over 80 percent of those jailed are of African descent.
The Brazilian Black Front, founded in 1931, was devoted to fighting the injustices experienced by persons of African descent. The movement was supported widely by the African community and spread to the south of the country, though the Front's activities ended in 1937, when Vargas banned all political parties and ended electoral politics.
In 1956, the Brazilian Congress passed a law prohibiting racial discrimination. In 1964, the Brazilian army installed an autocratic regime which lasted until 1985. During much this period, racial or African movements existed only in cultural forums such as theater groups. In 1978, the Unified Black Movement to Combat Racial Discrimination (later called the Unified Black Movement, or MNU) was formed as a result of growing frustrations of the black population. The movement sought to raise black consciousness and organize against discrimination. By the mid-1990s, the movement reported over 6,000 members (GOJPA00 = 2). In response to the growing mobilization of blacks, mainstream political parties incorporated anti-discrimination policies in their campaigns.
In 1979, the Afro-Brazilian movement Olodum was founded, originally as a musical band; it has since grown to be a leading Afro-Brazilian advocacy group. Its projects have included a free school for Afro-Brazilian children, known as the Creative School, and theater and art festivals for the black population. Its most successful program is the Carnival, which celebrates the African history of Brazilians.
After the end of military rule, blacks again organized politically. Many joined Catholic Church organizations; liberation theology became a popular ideology of black activists. In 1982, the governor of Sao Paulo created a state agency known as the Council for the Participation and Development of the Black Community. In Sao Paulo, Afro-Brazilians were elected to federal, state, and municipal offices. During the 1980s, the Church coordinated efforts with the black population, such as meetings of black clergy in 1978 and in 1986, the creation of a "black ministry" (Pastoral do Negro). In 1987, Benedeta da Silva became the first black woman elected to the national Congress.
It has been reported that over 600 Afro-Brazilian organizations are estimated to exist (ORG00SUP = 3). Many of these operate at the local or regional level, and none have generated a national-level mass movement (COHESX9 = 4).
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References
Andrews, George Reid. Blacks and Whites in Sao Paulo Brazil: 1888- 1988. Madison. University of Wisconsin Press. 1991.
Burdick, John. "Brazil's Black Consciousness Movement." Report on the Americas. 25(4). February 1992: pp.23-27.
Conniff, Michael L. and Thomas J. Davis. Africans in the Americas. New York. St. Martin's Press. 1994.
Do Valle Silva, Nelson and Carlos A. Hasenbalg. Relacoes Racias No Brasil. Brazil. Rio Funda Editora. 1992.
Fontaine, Pierre-Michel, ed. Race, Class, and Power in Brazil. Los Angeles. University of California. 1985.
Hasenbalg, Carlos A. Discriminacao e Desigualdades Raciais no Brasil. Brazil. Biblioteca de Ciencias Sociais. 1979.
Lovell, Peggy A. "Race, Gender, and Development in Brazil." Paper Submitted to the Latin American Research Review. February 1993.
Nascimento, Abdias do. O Negro Revoltado. Brazil. Editora Nova Frontera. 1982.
Winant, Howard. Racial Conditions. Minneapolis. University of Minnesota Press. 1994.
** Other sources utilized were Reuters and Inter Press News Service.
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Next you got to know where this group has made significance over time
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Chronology for Afro-Brazilians in Brazil
View Group Assessment
Date(s) Item
Aug 1991 Hundreds of people protested in front of Rio de Janeiro's airport against racial discrimination. This protest corresponded with a visit by Nelson Mandela.
Sep 1991 It was reported that even though the city of Salvador is over 80% black or mixed, the city's mayor and all but three city council members are white. The state of Bahia also has no black representatives in its Congress. The Ford Foundation funded black activists to visit black leaders in the United States in New York, Washington,D.C., and Atlanta to discuss similarities in their movements and to gain insights.
1992 For the first time, 3 of the 26 state governors elected are black. It was reported that even though black candidates run for office, many black people will not vote for a black candidate because they are taught to favor lighter skinned people, rather than admit their black, or African, heritage. It was reported that the majority of people living in shantytowns in urban areas are black people. These shantytowns, or "favelas," have no water or sewerage systems and are infested with diseases due to the high population of rats and rodents. Poor black children in these areas have been victims of death squads hired by Brazilian business people to curb crime. A federal report stated that 82% of the children killed by death squads were black. Poor black women (an estimated 6 million black women) have been the victims of sterilization without notification according to federal reports. International health activists and human rights activists have been pressuring the Brazilian government to halt all death squads and to improve the health facilities for the poor (mostly black) of the urban regions.
1993 An Afro-Brazilian won the governorship of Espirito Santo and Benedita da Silva, an Afro-Brazilian congresswoman, ran for mayor of Rio de Janeiro and lost by only a few percentage points.
Jul 23, 1993 A group of men shot and killed 8 teenagers sleeping in the streets. All of these teenagers were of African descent.
Aug 1993 While Brazil has the largest black nation outside of the African continent, it has 11 black members out of 503 in the Congress. Only four of these members identify with a black movement or take up black issues. A group of hooded gunmen killed 21 people living in a shantytown in Rio de Janeiro. Human Rights Watch reported that death squad killings were on the rise and that many of the people killed in them are black.
Aug 15 - 31, 1993 The men charged with the shootings of eight teenagers in Candelaria and the men who shot 21 people in Rio de Janeiro were arrested and indicted for homicide. The government also established an anonymous hotline to report death squad activity.
Jan 1994 It was reported that 2% of the faculty were black or of African descent at the State University of Bahia. 80% of the population in Bahia are black or mulatto.
1995 Newly elected President Henrique Cardoso admitted that he had "one foot in the kitchen," or that he was slightly mulatto. This phrase refers to the kitchen of slavery. Cardoso campaigned on racial equality and diversity.
Mar 1995 The U.S. Dept. of State Human Rights Report stated that darker skinned Brazilians encounter discrimination. Most black Brazilians are among the poorest sectors of society. There are very few black Brazilians in upper level management, military, or civil service positions. Moreover, officials from southern cities screen bus passengers and routinely restrict migration of darker skinned passengers from their cities. Many times, employment depends upon skin color as well. For instance, Jane Makebe was fired because the employer did not want black employees. But, when she filed suit and went to court, no one would testify on her behalf. Special police units, however, have been appointed in urban areas to investigate racial charges and crimes.
Mar 7, 1995 Afro-Brazilian were upset by the increase of white, blond models and actresses participating in the annual carnival in Rio. The carnival is the city's most traditional festival and has its roots in African culture. The actresses and models were accused of self-promotion, and Afro-Brazilians pointed out that the poor blacks of the region could not even afford tickets to the event that is a celebration of their cultural heritage.
Aug 27, 1995 The Sao Paulo city council was debating a law that would prohibit elevator segregation. The bill is sponsored by Aldaiza Sposati of the Worker's Party. Black workers are relegated to service elevators and often receive condescending looks and remarks if they use social elevators in buildings. Critics say the practice is relegating blacks to service elevators is just another example of the subtleness of discrimination that pervades Brazilian society. Race relations have not traditionally been controlled through laws, but rather by social practice, and the black roots movement is small in Brazil and appears poorly organized.
Nov 24, 1995 Brazil honored Zumbi, a 17th century Afro-Brazilian on the 300th anniversary of his death. Zumbi worked to free black slaves in Brazil for more than 20 years in the last 1600s. About 30,000 Afro-Brazilians marched in "The Zumbi March Against Racism." Organizers promoted the event as the largest civil rights protest in the nation's history. Following the march, in another historic first, black community leaders met with President Cardoso who promised to form a commission to study the black community's problems. He also said he would consider U.S.-style affirmative action programs for jobs and education.
May 14, 1996 President Cardoso announced a broad human rights plan which fixes policies to protect poor people from police violence and observes the rights of Indians, women, children, and blacks.
Sep 5, 1996 Tiririca, a popular singer in Brazil, has, according to some Afro-Brazilians, recorded a song insulting to blacks. A judge in Rio agreed and ordered his record pulled from the shelves. The singer and Sony Music have been hit with criminal and civil actions accusing them of racism. The singer said the song was an affectionate joke about his wife, who is black.
Nov 1996 The people of Sao Paulo elected the city's first black mayor. This event increased the visibility of blacks and mulattos, especially in the media, and Sociologist Nelson do Valle Silva suggests, "there is clearly a change in racial identity in Brazil. There is more consciousness of the racial problems. Most people agree with the concept that there is racial discontent in Brazil."
Feb 1997 The State Department's Country Reports for Human Rights Practices for 1996, noted several disturbing, and some positive trends in racial discrimination in Brazil. In late 1995, President Cardoso created an inter-ministerial group to fight racism and discrimination. State police added courses on human rights and discrimination to the civil police training curriculum. The ILO noted that important differences in wages continued to exist to the detriment of women and blacks, particularly in rural areas. Monthly per capita income for white males in 6.3 times the minimum wage whereas for black males it is only 2.9 times the minimum. The NGO Luiz Freire Cultural Center reported that 87% of the 1378 murders in Recife in 1994 were against black victims. A higher percentage of blacks are convicted by Brazilian courts than whites.
Apr 4, 1997 Brazil's Senate approved a bill classifying torture as a crime for the first time. This came three days after a nationally televised incident in which police beat up and extorted money from civilians. One civilian died in the incident. A poll showed a rise in fear and mistrust of the police in Sao Paulo after the incident. Mistrust of the police is especially high amongst blacks with 83% saying they lived in fear of the police. The new bill punishes torture with jail sentences of 2-8 years (16 years in fatal cases). Currently, police and military officers accused of mistreatment of citizens and prisoners are punishable for the lesser crime of battery.
Now if this has an hint of truth or fact then Afro-Brazilian are really a tolerant people to go through such horrendous episodes in the last decade.
There appears to be Brazilians of African descent that keep track of things such as Nelson Mandela and if so then they pretty much know what apartheid was and how he conquered this and became an international icon for peace. Afro-Brazilians or however they chose as name still need recognition and the government is mighty slow in getting their needs in terms of social condition met. Thats my take. But that is the nature of the spy business too respect your enemy if he lets you live to gather all such information. I am not implying Afro-Brazilians are the enemy.
The social discrimination in Brazil is subtle – formal policies prohibit discrimination on a racial, ethnic, or gender basis, yet discrimination against blacks persists. Many of African descent claim that they are white or mulatto; dark-skinned persons may be able to "whiten" themselves by attaining a high economic status.
[...]
Activists claim that many blacks claim they are mulato rather than black in order to move toward "whiteness" on the societal color spectrum.
It looks like they're examining Brazilian society through North-American-colored lenses.
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Informal social practice continues to be the key barrier to full racial equality; the weak sense of racial identity of many Afro-Brazilians has also prevented organized resistance to racism, except on individual issues.
I wonder what they mean by a "weak sense of racial identity". _________________ Alia aetas alios mores postulat.
Informal social practice continues to be the key barrier to full racial equality; the weak sense of racial identity of many Afro-Brazilians has also prevented organized resistance to racism, except on individual issues.
What they mean is that Brazilians of color don't pretend to see themselves as a cohesive group, as they suppose American blacks do. The problem isn't that this isn't true: it is. The problem is why is it presumed that this has "prevented organized resistance to racism, except on individual issues". that's simply a myth concocted by poorly informed American brazilianists back in the 1960s and kept alive by people who are stunningly ignorant of Black Brazilian history. _________________ Brazil is the country of the future and always will be!
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